The U.N. reported Tuesday that a staggering two
 million refugees have fled Syria’s civil war. WSJ’s Nour Malas traveled
 to the neighboring nations of Iraq and Jordan to assess the situation. 
(AP Photo/Raad Adayleh)
ZAATARI CAMP, Jordan—With the Syrian refugee 
numbers passing the two million mark Tuesday, governments and aid 
officials are coming to the same reckoning as Mohammad Hariri, an 
air-conditioner repairman who came here for one night and stayed for a 
year.
"My opinion is now, on the ground and politically, it's going to take a long, long time," he says.  
In early August 2012, Mr. Hariri brought his three children across 
the border to escape some particularly intense shelling. Today, the camp
 remains his home—along with some 130,000 other Syrians.
"We used to see refugees on television," says Mr. Hariri, who is also
 a neighborhood camp leader. "We didn't know what it meant to be one."
The camp, Zaatari, now ranks as Jordan's fourth-largest city, the 
United Nations says, and as the second-largest refugee camp in the 
world. Only Dadaab in Kenya, with more than 400,000 people, is bigger, 
the U.N. estimates.
"Most refugee camps in the world take decades to populate," says 
Andrew Harper, the country representative in Jordan for the U.N. High 
Commissioner for Refugees. Mr. Harper oversees the U.N. aid effort for 
over half a million Syrians there.
Down the sandy road from Mr. Hariri's home—a trailer paid for by a 
Saudi businessman whose name is on a steel plate tacked to the wall—at 
least 30,000 kiosks form a bustling mini-economy run by other Syrian 
refugees. Between butchers and grocers, there are signs that residents 
don't see themselves leaving anytime soon: a ladies' salon, a costume 
store, a wedding-gown shop.
Across the region, Syrian refugees are competing with locals for mid-
 to low-wage jobs. Within Jordan, Syrians are also taking some work from
 Egyptian migrants, who are starting to complain. Water has stopped 
flowing into some northern Jordanian villages for periods of a month or 
more as demand soars, village residents say.
It is a scene playing out across the Middle East. In Lebanon and 
Iraq, Turkey and Egypt, Syria's refugee exodus has stretched resources, 
sparked political and sectarian tensions, and changed economies and 
demographics. 
"We were prepared for 200, 300 people coming per night, but then all 
of a sudden you started having 2,000, 3,000 people every day," says Mr. 
Harper of the U.N. "It's been 12 months of continuous humanity crossing 
into Jordan."
As the threat of U.S. military strikes sends thousands more across 
borders daily, the refugee crisis has started to ripple beyond the 
region. The number of Syrians applying for asylum in European Union 
countries in 2012 tripled, to just over 24,000, from the year before, a 
European Parliament report said Tuesday. 
Jordan and Lebanon, Syria's economically weakest neighbors, have 
become the focus of efforts by the World Bank to help them cope with 
refugees, including potentially setting up an assistance fund—the first 
sign that the scope of the crisis has moved from emergency response to 
development aid. The World Bank said that, at the Lebanese government's 
request, it is collaborating with U.N. agencies, the EU, and other 
partners to assess the impact of the refugee influx on Lebanon. 
"We're in a chronic situation," says Ted Chaiban, director of 
emergency programs for the U.N. Children's Fund, "with a wide number of 
countries affected."
On Tuesday, the U.N. refugee agency—which has called Syria's crisis 
the worst since Rwanda's—said the number of Syrian refugees surpassed 
two million, rising by 1.8 million over the past 12 months. Including 
the 4.25 million more people displaced inside Syria, the agency said, 
there are more Syrians forcibly displaced than currently is the case 
with any other country.
In interviews in four countries bordering Syria, local and 
international aid officials characterized Syria's crisis as one of the 
most far-reaching and troublesome in the region's modern history. In 
humanitarian terms, they suggest it is the most serious refugee crisis 
globally since the start of conflict in the Democratic Republic of the 
Congo more than two decades ago. That conflict generated a refugee 
problem that continues today.
The destruction within Syria has few parallels. In the Lebanese civil
 war, Beirut bore the brunt of urban damage. In the Bosnian war, 
Sarajevo became a global symbol of the destruction and human suffering 
exacted by siege and warfare. But inside Syria, "You have five or six 
major population centers affected," says Unicef's Mr. Chaiban.
Much like with the exodus of Palestinians in 1948 and 1967, 
neighboring states have absorbed hundreds of thousands of refugees. But 
they are now recalculating, with the Palestinian experience specifically
 in mind. 
In Jordan and Lebanon—both home to large quasi-permanent Palestinian 
populations, and now, the bulk of the region's Syrian refugees—officials
 have over the past three months alternately closed borders to new 
streams of Syrians or tightened entry restrictions, locals and 
international aid officials say. The measures reflect a widening 
concern, officials in both countries say, that the influx may only grow 
in coming months.
In Lebanon, Syria's fragile and much smaller neighbor, the aid effort
 has focused nearly as much on helping the host Lebanese community as it
 has on providing for the refugees themselves. A USAID project, for 
instance, aims to boost electricity generation in the north so locals 
don't blame the newcomer Syrians for straining the power supply. 
Lebanon is a main route for aid delivery into Syria. So, the closure 
of borders or the outbreak of war in Lebanon is a particular concern, 
regional aid officials say.
Tensions have run so high that the government is taking the 
controversial step of authorizing temporary settlements to better 
control the refugee deluge from Syria. The move is creating a sticky 
political debate there: Lebanon remains haunted by its past relationship
 with refugees—specifically, Palestinians—whose presence in an earlier 
era played a big role in dragging the country into a 15-year civil war.
"Lebanon has had to surrender to the reality that there is a need for
 camps," says Wissam Tarif, a human-rights expert who has coordinated 
the aid response for Syrian refugees in several neighboring countries. 
Turkey, which shares the longest 
border with Syria, has taken in the widest range of Syrians. 
Impoverished villagers, wealthy businesspeople, ethnic Kurds and 
military defectors all turned the Turkish border region, and cities 
farther inland, into a combustible microcosm of the conflict tearing 
Syria apart.
The latest spillover is a new type of 
challenge for authorities: disease. Public health services and the water
 sanitation system have all but broken down in rebel-held northern 
Syria. As a result, Turkish officials say, they fear the spread of 
infectious diseases into Turkey from across the border.
"This is difficult," says Ayse Gokkan, mayor of Nusaybin, a Turkish border town. "Diseases don't know of borders."
Iraq had quietly, slowly received 150,000 Syrians with little 
impact—until a three-day period last month. Between the 15th and 17th of
 August, at least 25,000 Syrians flooded Iraq's northern Kurdistan 
region. Some were fleeing fighting between Kurdish and Islamist militant
 factions, but many more say they were simply seeking a better life. 
Within 10 days, a settlement sprouted on the edges of Erbil, Iraqi 
Kurdistan's capital. It poses an agonizing dilemma for the regional 
government there, which officials say wants to portray itself as the 
protector of Syria's Kurds but doesn't have the financial prowess to do 
so.
"Of course it is difficult. Turkey and Jordan, we are not comparable 
to them," says Shawket Berbihary, a local government official overseeing
 the Peshkhabour crossing in Iraq's Dohuk governorate. "They are states,
 we are a regional government."
On Aug. 17, thousands of Syrians trekked over a small bridge usually 
used to transport goods over a tributary of the Tigris River, which 
separates Syria from northern Iraq. Weighed down by the mass of Syrian 
families, the bridge plunged to less than a foot above the water's 
surface, Mr. Berbihary says.
"We were a moment away from a catastrophe," he says.
Officials closed the crossing to repair the bridge and diverted the 
refugees to a nearby point at Sahilla. There, however, Syrians must 
traverse desert plains on foot, or on hired donkeys, from the last 
Syrian Kurdish checkpoint to Iraqi territory.
On a recent day, in the midday heat, women carried as many as three 
children apiece and plastic bags full of belongings into Iraq. Stopping 
first at a table laid with water bottles, they stood in line to dump 
cold water on their children's reddened faces before moving into a tent 
set up by the U.N., where they waited for buses to take them to Erbil. 
They are sent there because Domiz, Iraq's largest camp for Syrian 
refugees, is already over capacity.
Mr. Berbihary and other officials say the government has diverted 20%
 of its budget to Syrian refugee aid. But beyond the immediate crisis 
response, some KRG officials fret the influx is quickly setting up 
long-term consequences. 
At the Kawrgosk camp outside Erbil, patched together last month to 
host 15,000 Syrians, men leave their wives and children in the tents to 
work in construction during the day, several families said in 
interviews. Many said they wanted to start building a new future now, 
rather than later try to salvage what was left of their war-tattered 
lives in Syria.
Small children roam the shabby tent settlement, adjacent to a chicken
 pen and herd of goats. Where there was an open, dusty field two weeks 
ago, there are now electricity poles, water trucks and a mobile field 
clinic.
The camp is being expanded to take in another 5,000 refugees, U.N. 
officials say. Another camp is being built with a concrete foundation 
and wall "to prevent the chaotic proliferation of living space and 
families," a local U.N. official says.
Petty crime is on the rise and hostility runs high toward a Western aid effort seen by Syrians as lacking.
 
To better manage Zaatari, the U.N. has devised a new plan to 
administer the camp's 12 quarters through local councils, with the 
oversight of Jordanian police. Eventually, refugees who run businesses 
in the camp will be required to pay for basic services like electricity 
and water. Local leaders like Mr. Hariri, who now oversees 21 streets in
 an informal arrangement with camp officials, will help administer 
sections within each quarter.
A Jordanian official called Zaatari "a slum" that posed a security threat to the country. 
U.N. and other aid officials defend the camp's management, saying it 
has evolved extraordinarily well given a funding shortfall and the scope
 of needs from poverty-stricken and traumatized refugees. "It has been a
 crisis of expectations," a Western aid official at Zaatari says.
On a street in the camp that might seem straight out of an old market
 in Homs or Aleppo—selling Syrian sweets drenched in syrup, white 
cheeses, knickknacks of all sorts—Mr. Hariri strolled through, greeting 
shopkeepers. Zaatari's main market is called the Champs-Élysées, after 
the famous Paris avenue. Camp officials say it was given the name after 
French military officials set up a field hospital at one end of the 
street. Syrians, twisting the name, have taken to calling it the 
"Cham-s-Elysees," Cham being one name for Syria in Arabic.
Mr. Hariri, recalling his arrival here a year ago, says the camp 
"started as an experiment." Sand would reach mid-shin, he says, 
gesturing below his knees. Scorpions and snakes were common sightings, 
he and other residents say.
Today, he and others are reluctantly settling in. "I remember my 
neighborhood, my friends, my country, every day. I still remember all 
this," he says. But at the same time, "We forgot what life is like 
outside this place. I'm used to living here now." 
At the shop selling wedding gowns, store-owner Abu Muhammad says he 
receives about 20 bride-to-be customers a week. "They used to say they 
want to wait it out, until the war is over. But no one wants to wait any
 longer," he says.
—Ali A. Nabhan in Baghdad, Ayla Albayrak in Istanbul and Matina Stevis in Athens contributed to this article.
 
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