The U.N. reported Tuesday that a staggering two
million refugees have fled Syria’s civil war. WSJ’s Nour Malas traveled
to the neighboring nations of Iraq and Jordan to assess the situation.
(AP Photo/Raad Adayleh)
ZAATARI CAMP, Jordan—With the Syrian refugee
numbers passing the two million mark Tuesday, governments and aid
officials are coming to the same reckoning as Mohammad Hariri, an
air-conditioner repairman who came here for one night and stayed for a
year.
"My opinion is now, on the ground and politically, it's going to take a long, long time," he says.
In early August 2012, Mr. Hariri brought his three children across
the border to escape some particularly intense shelling. Today, the camp
remains his home—along with some 130,000 other Syrians.
"We used to see refugees on television," says Mr. Hariri, who is also
a neighborhood camp leader. "We didn't know what it meant to be one."
The camp, Zaatari, now ranks as Jordan's fourth-largest city, the
United Nations says, and as the second-largest refugee camp in the
world. Only Dadaab in Kenya, with more than 400,000 people, is bigger,
the U.N. estimates.
"Most refugee camps in the world take decades to populate," says
Andrew Harper, the country representative in Jordan for the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees. Mr. Harper oversees the U.N. aid effort for
over half a million Syrians there.
Down the sandy road from Mr. Hariri's home—a trailer paid for by a
Saudi businessman whose name is on a steel plate tacked to the wall—at
least 30,000 kiosks form a bustling mini-economy run by other Syrian
refugees. Between butchers and grocers, there are signs that residents
don't see themselves leaving anytime soon: a ladies' salon, a costume
store, a wedding-gown shop.
Across the region, Syrian refugees are competing with locals for mid-
to low-wage jobs. Within Jordan, Syrians are also taking some work from
Egyptian migrants, who are starting to complain. Water has stopped
flowing into some northern Jordanian villages for periods of a month or
more as demand soars, village residents say.
It is a scene playing out across the Middle East. In Lebanon and
Iraq, Turkey and Egypt, Syria's refugee exodus has stretched resources,
sparked political and sectarian tensions, and changed economies and
demographics.
"We were prepared for 200, 300 people coming per night, but then all
of a sudden you started having 2,000, 3,000 people every day," says Mr.
Harper of the U.N. "It's been 12 months of continuous humanity crossing
into Jordan."
As the threat of U.S. military strikes sends thousands more across
borders daily, the refugee crisis has started to ripple beyond the
region. The number of Syrians applying for asylum in European Union
countries in 2012 tripled, to just over 24,000, from the year before, a
European Parliament report said Tuesday.
Jordan and Lebanon, Syria's economically weakest neighbors, have
become the focus of efforts by the World Bank to help them cope with
refugees, including potentially setting up an assistance fund—the first
sign that the scope of the crisis has moved from emergency response to
development aid. The World Bank said that, at the Lebanese government's
request, it is collaborating with U.N. agencies, the EU, and other
partners to assess the impact of the refugee influx on Lebanon.
"We're in a chronic situation," says Ted Chaiban, director of
emergency programs for the U.N. Children's Fund, "with a wide number of
countries affected."
On Tuesday, the U.N. refugee agency—which has called Syria's crisis
the worst since Rwanda's—said the number of Syrian refugees surpassed
two million, rising by 1.8 million over the past 12 months. Including
the 4.25 million more people displaced inside Syria, the agency said,
there are more Syrians forcibly displaced than currently is the case
with any other country.
In interviews in four countries bordering Syria, local and
international aid officials characterized Syria's crisis as one of the
most far-reaching and troublesome in the region's modern history. In
humanitarian terms, they suggest it is the most serious refugee crisis
globally since the start of conflict in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo more than two decades ago. That conflict generated a refugee
problem that continues today.
The destruction within Syria has few parallels. In the Lebanese civil
war, Beirut bore the brunt of urban damage. In the Bosnian war,
Sarajevo became a global symbol of the destruction and human suffering
exacted by siege and warfare. But inside Syria, "You have five or six
major population centers affected," says Unicef's Mr. Chaiban.
Much like with the exodus of Palestinians in 1948 and 1967,
neighboring states have absorbed hundreds of thousands of refugees. But
they are now recalculating, with the Palestinian experience specifically
in mind.
In Jordan and Lebanon—both home to large quasi-permanent Palestinian
populations, and now, the bulk of the region's Syrian refugees—officials
have over the past three months alternately closed borders to new
streams of Syrians or tightened entry restrictions, locals and
international aid officials say. The measures reflect a widening
concern, officials in both countries say, that the influx may only grow
in coming months.
In Lebanon, Syria's fragile and much smaller neighbor, the aid effort
has focused nearly as much on helping the host Lebanese community as it
has on providing for the refugees themselves. A USAID project, for
instance, aims to boost electricity generation in the north so locals
don't blame the newcomer Syrians for straining the power supply.
Lebanon is a main route for aid delivery into Syria. So, the closure
of borders or the outbreak of war in Lebanon is a particular concern,
regional aid officials say.
Tensions have run so high that the government is taking the
controversial step of authorizing temporary settlements to better
control the refugee deluge from Syria. The move is creating a sticky
political debate there: Lebanon remains haunted by its past relationship
with refugees—specifically, Palestinians—whose presence in an earlier
era played a big role in dragging the country into a 15-year civil war.
"Lebanon has had to surrender to the reality that there is a need for
camps," says Wissam Tarif, a human-rights expert who has coordinated
the aid response for Syrian refugees in several neighboring countries.
Turkey, which shares the longest
border with Syria, has taken in the widest range of Syrians.
Impoverished villagers, wealthy businesspeople, ethnic Kurds and
military defectors all turned the Turkish border region, and cities
farther inland, into a combustible microcosm of the conflict tearing
Syria apart.
The latest spillover is a new type of
challenge for authorities: disease. Public health services and the water
sanitation system have all but broken down in rebel-held northern
Syria. As a result, Turkish officials say, they fear the spread of
infectious diseases into Turkey from across the border.
"This is difficult," says Ayse Gokkan, mayor of Nusaybin, a Turkish border town. "Diseases don't know of borders."
Iraq had quietly, slowly received 150,000 Syrians with little
impact—until a three-day period last month. Between the 15th and 17th of
August, at least 25,000 Syrians flooded Iraq's northern Kurdistan
region. Some were fleeing fighting between Kurdish and Islamist militant
factions, but many more say they were simply seeking a better life.
Within 10 days, a settlement sprouted on the edges of Erbil, Iraqi
Kurdistan's capital. It poses an agonizing dilemma for the regional
government there, which officials say wants to portray itself as the
protector of Syria's Kurds but doesn't have the financial prowess to do
so.
"Of course it is difficult. Turkey and Jordan, we are not comparable
to them," says Shawket Berbihary, a local government official overseeing
the Peshkhabour crossing in Iraq's Dohuk governorate. "They are states,
we are a regional government."
On Aug. 17, thousands of Syrians trekked over a small bridge usually
used to transport goods over a tributary of the Tigris River, which
separates Syria from northern Iraq. Weighed down by the mass of Syrian
families, the bridge plunged to less than a foot above the water's
surface, Mr. Berbihary says.
"We were a moment away from a catastrophe," he says.
Officials closed the crossing to repair the bridge and diverted the
refugees to a nearby point at Sahilla. There, however, Syrians must
traverse desert plains on foot, or on hired donkeys, from the last
Syrian Kurdish checkpoint to Iraqi territory.
On a recent day, in the midday heat, women carried as many as three
children apiece and plastic bags full of belongings into Iraq. Stopping
first at a table laid with water bottles, they stood in line to dump
cold water on their children's reddened faces before moving into a tent
set up by the U.N., where they waited for buses to take them to Erbil.
They are sent there because Domiz, Iraq's largest camp for Syrian
refugees, is already over capacity.
Mr. Berbihary and other officials say the government has diverted 20%
of its budget to Syrian refugee aid. But beyond the immediate crisis
response, some KRG officials fret the influx is quickly setting up
long-term consequences.
At the Kawrgosk camp outside Erbil, patched together last month to
host 15,000 Syrians, men leave their wives and children in the tents to
work in construction during the day, several families said in
interviews. Many said they wanted to start building a new future now,
rather than later try to salvage what was left of their war-tattered
lives in Syria.
Small children roam the shabby tent settlement, adjacent to a chicken
pen and herd of goats. Where there was an open, dusty field two weeks
ago, there are now electricity poles, water trucks and a mobile field
clinic.
The camp is being expanded to take in another 5,000 refugees, U.N.
officials say. Another camp is being built with a concrete foundation
and wall "to prevent the chaotic proliferation of living space and
families," a local U.N. official says.
Petty crime is on the rise and hostility runs high toward a Western aid effort seen by Syrians as lacking.
To better manage Zaatari, the U.N. has devised a new plan to
administer the camp's 12 quarters through local councils, with the
oversight of Jordanian police. Eventually, refugees who run businesses
in the camp will be required to pay for basic services like electricity
and water. Local leaders like Mr. Hariri, who now oversees 21 streets in
an informal arrangement with camp officials, will help administer
sections within each quarter.
A Jordanian official called Zaatari "a slum" that posed a security threat to the country.
U.N. and other aid officials defend the camp's management, saying it
has evolved extraordinarily well given a funding shortfall and the scope
of needs from poverty-stricken and traumatized refugees. "It has been a
crisis of expectations," a Western aid official at Zaatari says.
On a street in the camp that might seem straight out of an old market
in Homs or Aleppo—selling Syrian sweets drenched in syrup, white
cheeses, knickknacks of all sorts—Mr. Hariri strolled through, greeting
shopkeepers. Zaatari's main market is called the Champs-Élysées, after
the famous Paris avenue. Camp officials say it was given the name after
French military officials set up a field hospital at one end of the
street. Syrians, twisting the name, have taken to calling it the
"Cham-s-Elysees," Cham being one name for Syria in Arabic.
Mr. Hariri, recalling his arrival here a year ago, says the camp
"started as an experiment." Sand would reach mid-shin, he says,
gesturing below his knees. Scorpions and snakes were common sightings,
he and other residents say.
Today, he and others are reluctantly settling in. "I remember my
neighborhood, my friends, my country, every day. I still remember all
this," he says. But at the same time, "We forgot what life is like
outside this place. I'm used to living here now."
At the shop selling wedding gowns, store-owner Abu Muhammad says he
receives about 20 bride-to-be customers a week. "They used to say they
want to wait it out, until the war is over. But no one wants to wait any
longer," he says.
—Ali A. Nabhan in Baghdad, Ayla Albayrak in Istanbul and Matina Stevis in Athens contributed to this article.
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